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Here there appears a second characteristic of the collaborator: bad faith. Talleyrand is his model. But the prejudice, as I have demonstrated, is linked more generally to the construction of the image of the traitor as the negative of the Resistance hero, with, consequently, feminine features.

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The collaborator is more often a professionalized man of letters, belonging to professional literary organisations, than a disintegrated person. But he is not given symbolic recognition, and this is probably in part a reason for his resentment. Furthermore, his position probably does not correspond to his initial ambitions. Evidence was presented of his professional integrity, including his integrity in the field of political conflict.

The prosecution laid great emphasis on the denunciations, and the defence denied them. Rebatet said that these were not denunciations. Both defence and accused sought excuses in literary genres and scholarly references. They had all served and defended the interests of French culture. Moreover, were they not themselves part of the French cultural heritage? Witnesses called by the defence attested to the talent of the accused.

Was France to lose these men of talent, who were among her claims to fame? The polemicist might have been in error, but the writer had to be saved at all costs. After having played the Fascist on the air at Radio-Paris, and been generally thought of as an engaged writer, he now presented his writings as pure exercises in style. He claimed comic licence. Even literature itself was called in to save him. In his view, a man of letters who gets involved in politics always lapses into literature.

But some people did not hesitate to resort to explanations founded in that of irrational action. There is something paradoxical in the fact that, at the Liberation, the people who four years earlier were accusing literature of being partly responsible for the defeat of now declined all responsibility for the consequences of their own writing. It established the negative or feminine version of the virile image of the intellectual, conscious of his symbolic power and of the influence of his writings; and it was that virile image that the purge trials in France reaffirmed, by condemning writers to death.

The very notion of legal responsibility, in the modern sense, rests on the idea of a subject endowed with free will. Sartre drew all the logical consequences of this philosophical principle, set out most notably by Kant, and turned it against the State by developing his concept of intellectual responsibility founded on freedom, of which the writer is the perfect embodiment.

According to Sartre, the writer is an undetermined subject who makes choices that engage him and for which he must take responsibility, following the tradition established by Zola and Voltaire. As the embodiment of freedom, he is responsible for the freedom of others.

This theory of engaged literature allowed Sartre to transcend the opposition between freedom and responsibility which up to that point had structured discussion in the literary arena.

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Astruc, Alexandre. Benda, Julien. La Trahison des clercs. Paris: Grasset, Bourdieu, Pierre. Charle, Christophe. Paris: Minuit, Cornick, Martyn. Intellectuals in History. Foucault, Michel. I, , Paris: Gallimard, Fauconnet, Paul. Paris: Alcan, Isorni, Jacques.

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Paris: Flammarion, Kaplan, Alice. Paris: Gallimard, The Collaborator. Lottman, Herbert R. Sartre, Jean-Paul. Situations, III. Suleiman, Susan Rubin. Thiesse, Anne-Marie. Paris: PUF, Plan The Moral Portrait of the Traitor. But the prejudice, as I have demonstrated, is linked more generally to the construction of the image of the traitor as the negative of the Resistance hero, with, consequently, feminine features.

The collaborator is more often a professionalized man of letters, belonging to professional literary organisations, than a disintegrated person. But he is not given symbolic recognition, and this is probably in part a reason for his resentment.

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Furthermore, his position probably does not correspond to his initial ambitions. Evidence was presented of his professional integrity, including his integrity in the field of political conflict. The prosecution laid great emphasis on the denunciations, and the defence denied them. Rebatet said that these were not denunciations. Both defence and accused sought excuses in literary genres and scholarly references.

They had all served and defended the interests of French culture. Moreover, were they not themselves part of the French cultural heritage? Witnesses called by the defence attested to the talent of the accused. Was France to lose these men of talent, who were among her claims to fame? The polemicist might have been in error, but the writer had to be saved at all costs. After having played the Fascist on the air at Radio-Paris, and been generally thought of as an engaged writer, he now presented his writings as pure exercises in style.

He claimed comic licence. Even literature itself was called in to save him. In his view, a man of letters who gets involved in politics always lapses into literature. But some people did not hesitate to resort to explanations founded in that of irrational action. There is something paradoxical in the fact that, at the Liberation, the people who four years earlier were accusing literature of being partly responsible for the defeat of now declined all responsibility for the consequences of their own writing.

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It established the negative or feminine version of the virile image of the intellectual, conscious of his symbolic power and of the influence of his writings; and it was that virile image that the purge trials in France reaffirmed, by condemning writers to death. The very notion of legal responsibility, in the modern sense, rests on the idea of a subject endowed with free will. Sartre drew all the logical consequences of this philosophical principle, set out most notably by Kant, and turned it against the State by developing his concept of intellectual responsibility founded on freedom, of which the writer is the perfect embodiment.

According to Sartre, the writer is an undetermined subject who makes choices that engage him and for which he must take responsibility, following the tradition established by Zola and Voltaire. As the embodiment of freedom, he is responsible for the freedom of others.


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This theory of engaged literature allowed Sartre to transcend the opposition between freedom and responsibility which up to that point had structured discussion in the literary arena. Astruc, Alexandre. Benda, Julien.

www.hiphopenation.com/mu-plugins/research/do-dating-agencies-work.php La Trahison des clercs. Paris: Grasset, Bourdieu, Pierre. Charle, Christophe. Paris: Minuit, Cornick, Martyn. Intellectuals in History. Foucault, Michel.


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